A Hanging in Nacogdoches: Murder, Race, Politics, and by Gary B. Borders

By Gary B. Borders

On October 17, 1902, in Nacogdoches, Texas, a black guy named James Buchanan was once attempted with out illustration, condemned, and done for the homicide of a white family members - all during 3 hours. white males performed pivotal roles in those occasions: invoice Haltom, a number one neighborhood Democrat and the editor of the "Nacogdoches Sentinel", who condemned lynching yet defended lynch mobs, and A. J. Spradley, a Populist sheriff who, via hundreds of thousands of kingdom militiamen, slightly controlled to maintain the mob from burning Buchanan alive, merely to escort him to the gallows following his abbreviated trial. each one man's tale serves to light up part of the trail that resulted in the poor parody of justice which lies on the middle of "A putting in Nacogdoches". The flip of the 20 th century was once a time of dramatic switch for the folk of East Texas. nervous via the Populist Party's makes an attempt to unite bad blacks and whites in a fight for fiscal justice, white Democrats defended their energy base through exploiting racial tensions in a conflict that finally ended in the full disenfranchisement of the black inhabitants of East Texas. In telling the tale of a unmarried lynching, Gary Borders dramatically illustrates the way in which politics and race mixed to carry awful violence to small southern cities like Nacogdoches.

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Additional resources for A Hanging in Nacogdoches: Murder, Race, Politics, and Polemics in Texas's Oldest Town, 1870-1916 (Clifton and Shirley Caldwell Texas Heritage Series)

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He objected to the Union soldiers, which he nicknamed “Blue folks,” for their habit of appearing constantly on Nacogdoches streets. 29 A branch of the Freedmen’s Bureau was established in Nacogdoches County, as elsewhere throughout the South. Its goal was to help both blacks and whites displaced by the Civil War, to establish schools for blacks, and to attempt to integrate former slaves into society, both as paid workers, primarily in agricultural occupations, and as citizens with the same rights as whites, including the right to vote.

P. , regarding that portion in which you state that freedmen are coming forward to swear that James O. Muckleroy, candidate to elect to the convention, bought their votes, the asst. 48 A few months earlier, freedman Abraham Wolfe, who was illiterate and signed his statement with an x, claimed that “a white man named Givins fired a shot at him while driving peaceably along the road with a load of rails on Saturday 22 Feb. ” 49 There seems to have been no provocation for this attack. Givins chased Wolfe into the woods and fired a second shot that also missed, before giving up the chase.

Dr. Joseph Mayfield arrived, and Spradley asked if he was going to die. Mayfield said yes, it looked as if he had no more than thirty minutes to live. Spradley told the doctor that he forgave his killer because Rogers was drunk and didn’t know any better. Porter Fears, another doctor, arrived. He bent over, looked at Spradley, and told him, “Hell no, you are not going to die. John, get up from here. They couldn’t kill you with a pine knot. ” 5 The sheriff did indeed recover, though it took a number of weeks.

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