Britain and the Origins of the New Europe 1914-1918 (LSE by Kenneth J. Calder

By Kenneth J. Calder

In 1914 the British executive was once now not drawn to nationwide self-determination in japanese Europe, yet by way of November 1918 it was once deeply concerned with numerous jap ecu topic nationalities and used to be dedicated by way of implication to their independence. This booklet makes an attempt to provide an explanation for this evolution in British coverage when it comes to the Poles, Czechoslovaks and Yugoslavs, the 3 most crucial topic nationalities in jap Europe. The booklet relies totally on the legitimate documents of the British executive, which were supplemented with fabric from deepest collections. Dr Calder argues that British coverage on nationwide self-determination constructed no longer due to theoretical speculations yet of the wartime family among the govt. and the Polish, Czechoslovak and Yugoslav nationwide firms. This publication lines the evolution in British relatives with the Polish, Czechoslovak and Yugoslav nationality agencies from August 1914 to November 1918. It indicates how the preliminary contacts have been validated and the way family constructed steadily because the govt sought to exploit those firms in propaganda, espionage and the formation of army devices. It makes an attempt to evaluate the results of this co-operation at the attitudes of British officers and the coverage of the govt..

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If the Balkan powers fought one another, there would be no advantage in their participation in the war. If, however, they formed a league, as they had against Turkey in 1912, their combined military strength might be enough to tip the balance in favour of the Entente. 7 According to Churchill: It is only by reclaiming from Austria territories which belong naturally to the Balkan races that the means can be provided to satisfy the legitimate needs and aspirations of all the Balkan states. 8 If a league was to be formed, Serbia, Greece, and possibly Rumania would have to make concessions to Bulgaria to compensate for its losses in the second Balkan war.

The future relations between the government and the nationality organizations all rested on this initially unimportant policy adopted in October 1914 by men who had no connection with foreign policy. Their decisions made the campaign for national self-determination possible. The foreign office had good reason to approve the home office policy on the treatment of aliens. While the home office was considering the problems of internment, the foreign office was being approached by emigres representing the subject nationalities of eastern Europe, each with a programme for national liberation.

54 Grey was forced to waive his proposals because of the Italian objections, but since the note had to mention Croatia and Slavonia in some form, the following clauses were adopted: 'If the future of Slavonia is in the hands of the Allies at the end of the war, it shall be assigned to Serbia . . The future of Croatia . . 56 In May, Russia, France and Britain had promised that in the event of victory Serbia would receive Bosnia, Herzegovina and wide access to the Adriatic, while Croatia would have selfdetermination.

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