Christians and Others in the Umayyad State by Antoine Borrut, Fred M. Donner

By Antoine Borrut, Fred M. Donner

The papers during this first quantity of the hot Oriental Institute sequence LAMINE are derived from a convention entitled “Christians, Jews, and Zoroastrians within the Umayyad State,” held on the collage of Chicago on June 17–18, 2011. The aim of the convention was once to handle an easy query: simply what position did non-Muslims play within the operations of the Umayyad nation? It has continuously been transparent that the Umayyad relations (r. 41–132/661–750) ruled populations within the swiftly increasing empire that have been overwhelmingly composed of non-Muslims — in general Christians, Jews, and Zoroastrians — and the prestige of these non-Muslim groups below Umayyad rule, and extra largely in early Islam, has been mentioned always for greater than a century. 8 papers deal with quite a few facets of the interactions between Muslims and non-Muslims within the Umayyad country.

This new Oriental Institute sequence — past due vintage and Medieval Islamic close to East (LAMINE) — goals to post quite a few scholarly works, together with monographs, edited volumes, serious textual content variants, translations, reports of corpora of records — briefly, any paintings that provides an important contribution to knowing the close to East among approximately two hundred and a thousand CE.

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Extra resources for Christians and Others in the Umayyad State

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Nowhere else in the world of Chalcedonian Orthodoxy at the time was the press of these challenges, in the ensemble and in just this particular topical array, so acutely a problem. 45 There seems to have been a special urgency, both definitively and summarily on John’s part, to present systematically coherent resolutions to these issues in a hostile environment, largely in terms borrowed from what he himself consistently represented as the teaching of the fathers of the church. ” 40 See Auzépy, “De la Palestine à Constantinople,” pp.

51 But one cannot avoid the thought that the real reason for the contemporary silence about John and the seemingly reluctant pace in taking up his work, or even referring to him by name, had nothing really to do with his teaching. Rather, it seems more likely that the family history and its associations were the problem. John’s very name, Manṣūr, and his known ancestry gave his contemporaries, and even their successors, reasons to be cautious and perhaps even suspicious of him. We have already noticed that the “Melkite” historian, Eutychios of Alexandria, repeats three times the remark that the bishops of the whole world had anathematized the name of Manṣūr.

For all of his importance for Christian intellectual history in his native Syria/Palestine in early Islamic times, and given the fact that the topical profile of his work is a fair representation of the intellectual and social issues current in the Christian communities of his time and place, it is striking how little attention John of Damascus is given in the surviving works of others in the same milieu. There is little mention of him or his works in texts emanating from the Syrian milieu in either Greek or Syriac.

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